The More Things Change…
By ERIKA DREIFUS
THE CHANGING FACE OF ANTI-SEMITISM
From Ancient Times to the Present Day
By Walter Laqueur
228 pages. Oxford University Press. $22.00.
As the end of his Harvard presidency neared in June 2006,
Lawrence Summers met with a group of alumni (this writer among them), in
Cambridge. Just before a Saturday morning Q&A session closed, one alumnus
asked Summers to comment on the idea—gleaned from a politican-pundit—that it
was Summers’ support for Israel that had cost him his job.
In response, Summers returned to one of the many controversies that will
forever dot the timeline of his presidency: a September 2002 speech in which
he had addressed a concern he “never thought [he] would become seriously
worried about—the issue of anti-Semitism.” Among the signs indicating “an
upturn in anti-Semitism globally” as well as “closer to home,” Summers had
cited the call by some faculty “for the University to single out Israel among
all nations as the lone country where it is inappropriate for any part of the
university’s endowment to be invested.” Such actions, Summers had suggested,
were “anti-Semitic in their effect if not their intent.”
The outcry that followed this statement—what Walter Laqueur characterizes in
the preface to his new book, The Changing
Face of Anti-Semitism, as a “bitter attack” on Harvard’s president—points
to the question underpinning the volume: What is the “new” anti-Semitism, and how
does it differ from anti-Zionist or anti-Israeli sentiments and policies?
Dealing with this prickly question is one of this book’s chief tasks; another
is setting it alongside a history of anti-Semitism’s “changing nature” over the
centuries. Starting with ancient times, Laqueur follows anti-Judaism through
its roots in theological difference to its decidedly more “racialist”
character, to the Holocaust and more recent history, in many parts of the
world. Thus, as it presents and repeatedly confronts the question of defining
and interpreting contemporary anti-Semitism, the book also offers what is
likely one of the most solid and readable histories of the subject to date.
(You won’t find footnotes, but you will find a very good bibliography at the book’s
end.)
And it’s difficult to think of many authors similarly qualified to write such a
book. A prolific scholar and writer—the Center for Strategic and International
Studies in Washington published a 66-page bibliography of his work twenty years ago—Laqueur directed for 30
years the Wiener Library in London. As he says, he
may not have read every book or article published on anti-Semitism, but he has
“read (sometimes not without an effort) and pondered very many of them. The
present long essay is the summary of my thoughts on the subject.”
Indeed, although Laqueur also notes that the book “merely attempts to summarize
research and debates that have been going on for decades,” The Changing Face of Anti-Semitism does far more than that. As the
author himself admits, the book “also deals with the present character of
antisemitism and its future prospects.” There’s a personal point of view here;
we can discern Laqueur’s “own thoughts.” And often, they crystallize to this
point: while the boundaries between them may be fuzzy or unclear, “In the light
of history, the argument that anti-Zionism is different from antisemitism is
not very convincing.”
Maybe I’m predisposed to agree with Laqueur—I’ll certainly allow for that
possibility—but reading this book, it seems difficult not to agree with him and his reasoned, reasonable prose:
No one disputes that in the late
Stalinist period anti-Zionism was merely a synonym for antisemitism. The same
is true today for the extreme right which, for legal or political reasons, will
opt for anti-Zionist rather than openly anti-Jewish slogans. It has been noted
that in the Muslim and particularly the Arab world, the fine distinctions
between Jews and Zionists hardly ever existed and are now less than ever in
appearance.
But even leaving aside both history and the “situation in
other parts of the world”; even stating “that criticism of Israel is not per se
antisemitism is so obvious that it hardly needs repeating once again”; even
limiting the discussion “to Western left-wing anti-Zionism” (a topic which
receives quite a lot of attention in this book), “the issues are not clear
cut”:
About half of all Jews now live in
Israel. Is the argument that the state of Israel is the greatest danger to
world peace and has no right to exist anti-Zionist, anti-Israeli, or
antisemitic? If it is based on the assumption that nation-states in general
have caused more harm than good and should be dismantled, such a proposition
cannot be considered antisemitic. But few of those who insist on the
liquidation of the state of Israel share the conviction that all nation-states
should be done away with. They believe that other states, not being such a
danger to world peace, do have the right to exist.
And what about the anti-Zionist focus on the dark side of
Israeli policy (read: the conflict with the Palestinians)? Laqueur notes:
There is a great deal of evil in
the world and millions have perished within the last decade or two as the
result of civil wars, repression, racial and social persecution, and tribal
conflicts, from Cambodia to much of Africa (Congo, Rwanda, and Darfur)…. In
fact, it would be difficult to think of countries outside of Europe and North
America that have been entirely free of such suffering; and even Europe has had
such incidents on a massive scale, as in the Balkans. But there have been no
protest demonstrations concerning the fate of the Dalets (Untouchables) in
India even though there are more than 100 million of them. The fate of the
Uighur in China, the Copts in Egypt, or the Bahai in Iran (to name but a few
persecuted peoples) has not generated much indignation in the streets of Europe
and America.
According to peace researchers, 25 million people were killed in internal conflicts
since World War Two, of them, 8,000 in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which
ranks forty-sixth in the list of victims. But Israel has been more often
condemned by the United Nations and other international organizations than all
other nations taken together.
For Laqueur, Palestinian suffering
and “inflamed passions” might well explain Palestinian anger toward Zionism and
Israel and even “Jews in general.” But it does not explain reactions of “people
living thousands of miles away, who have never been to this part of the world,
are not familiar with the circumstances of the conflict [….] If friends of the
oppressed and humiliated were to protest in other cases of injustice, their
case would be irrefutable. But if antiracialist protestations in defense of
human rights are made selectively, the question arises why this should be the
case.” There is “a specific aspect or dimension” at work here, Laqueur
suggests. It’s not difficult to infer what that might be.
I think again of Lawrence Summers’ response to the question posed to him in
early June. He told our group that he didn’t regret what he’d said back in
September 2002; it needed to be said, and he’d say it again. But if Laqueur’s
book can convince enough serious, thoughtful readers that the boundaries
between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism in today’s world are not quite so clear
as some like to maintain, perhaps he won’t have to.